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revolutionary socialists in the United States
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Supreme Court denies writ of certiorari for Mumia
By Jeff Mackler

On May 17, the U.S. Supreme Court denied a petition by Mumia Abu-Jamal for a writ of certiorari, a request that the court certify for a hearing important points raised in Mumia's defense.

Several months earlier Mumia's legal team, headed by Robert R. Bryan, had asked the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene in the normal appeals process and consider two points that were rejected by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.

The refusal to do so is not a decision on the merits of the issues raised by Mumia but rather a decision to first have Mumia's federal appeal proceed through the usual federal courts.

The first point in Mumia's petition asked the U.S. Supreme to overturn his conviction, based on the fact that the presiding judge in his 1982 murder trial, Albert Sabo, had expressed overtly racist comments as he was preparing to judge Mumia's case.

Proof of this assertion was provided to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in the form of a written affidavit signed by award-winning court stenographer, Terri Maurer Carter. Carter, married to a Pennsylvania policeman, affirmed that as she passed through Judge Sabo's antechambers, she had overheard Sabo state in reference to Mumia's trial, "Yeah, and I'm going to help 'em fry the nigger."

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court rejected consideration of this evidence on the specious grounds that the issue of Judge Sabo's racism had been previously litigated by Mumia and was therefore not admissible because it constituted "reopening" a point that had been previously closed.

The spurious nature of this decision is evidenced by the fact that the Maurer Carter affidavit was submitted several years after Mumia's original charges against Sabo had been litigated. That is, at the time of the original filings, the Terri Maurer Carter information did not exist.

Both Pennsylvania and federal courts have gone to incredible lengths to avoid the simple fact that Judge Sabo, who earned the reputation of a "hanging judge" because he had sentenced more people to execution than any other judge in the country, was a racist. The majority of Sabo's victims were Black.

The 10,000 pages of Mumia’s trial record clearly indicate racial prejudice. Eleven of 14 Blacks were summarily challenged and removed from the jury panel by the prosecution.

When Terri Maurer Carter's affidavit was originally submitted to Pennsylvania Common Pleas Court Judge Pamela Dembe and then rejected, the grounds were again incredible. Dembe argued that even if Judge Sabo's remarks were clearly racist there was no evidence that Sabo's rulings during the trial were racist. Again, a perusal of the Sabo trial transcript demonstrates that Judge Dembe was dead wrong in this instance as well. The Maurer Carter affidavit was submitted in a timely manner. There is a broad array of precedents for ordering a new trial when clear evidence of racism is presented.

In Mumia's case, the bending of the rules of law has enabled one legal atrocity after another to be perpetrated in the name of justice. The low point of this charade was the statement of Federal District Court Judge William H. Yohn Jr., ruling that "innocence is no defense." The ruling was in response to clear evidence produced by Mumia that he had not been and could not have been the person who murdered Police Officer Daniel Faulkner on Dec. 9, 1981.

Yohn's logic held that innocence is trumped by timeliness—that is, if the evidence is submitted beyond a statutory deadline, even if conclusive, it is irrelevant. The legal process must embody "finality," says the "law of the land" today, even if the final result is the execution of an innocent man.

The second issue contained in Mumia's petition for a writ of certiorari involved the refusal of Pennsylvania Supreme Court Judge Ronald Castille to recuse (remove) himself from the panel of judges hearing Mumia's appeal.

Castille was a prosecutor in Mumia's original 1982 trial. The law holds that the legal system must exclude the state serving as prosecutor and judge in the same case. Again, the law was ignored in Mumia's case. It is noteworthy that it was also Judge Castille, as state attorney general, who ordered the production of a training video instructing state prosecutors how to remove Blacks from Pennsylvania juries. The "good" Judge Castille believed that Blacks were less likely to convict in murder cases than whites and therefore should be removed.

The refusal of the U.S. Supreme Court to entertain Mumia's petition for a writ of certiorari was not unusual. Most such petitions are denied as a matter of course, with the court preferring to have outstanding issues litigated by the federal courts.

But the constitutional issues raised in Mumia's petition were far from routine. They pertained to the essence of justice itself—the right to be judged without prejudice, not to mention without a judge who enters the courtroom having stated his commitment to "fry the nigger."

The U.S. Supreme Court's refusal to accept Mumia's petition for a hearing must be rejected as a continuation of the racist bias that has permeated every aspect of the proceedings against Mumia.

The article above first appeared in the June 2004 issue of Socialist Action newspaper.

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