Reasons for Enjo-kosai
(Prostitution) in Contemporary Japan
If I asked people in the United States what they knew
about sexuality in contemporary Japan, the images coming across in most
Americans’ minds would probably concern enjo-kosai. The direct
translation of “enjo-kosai” is “compensated
dating”, but it is a new euphemism for prostitution.
It is worthy of analysis why enjo-kosai is
reported on so extensively not only by the Japanese mass media, but also by the
American mass communications. According to Sheldon Garon, a historian at History Princeton University, many types of prostitution are seen in many countries
all over the world since the ancient Greek time. For example, Garon describes
that, in 1733, Tokugawa shogunate government legalized selling daughters in
families in poverty into prostitutions (Garon 89-90)[1].
The women have to sell their bodies because they and their families did not
have enough money to survive. A woman may think that selling sex to strangers
may rank low on a job desirability scale. However, according to newspaper
reports, girls involved with enjo-kosai have no difficulty surviving at
all in general. Thus, the international media treat this social issue in Japan
as well; for instance, in 1996, Ben Hills, a senior writer on the Sydney
Morning Herald, Australia, reports in his journal:
A national
survey of 3,600 14-15-year-olds by the National Congress of Parents’ and
Teachers’ Associations confirmed every parent’s worst fears. One quarter of the
girls admitted that they had frequented terekura (“telephone clubs”), the
500-odd dating agencies in Tokyo, where frustrated men pay for introductions to
schoolgirls. The girls boast they can earn $700 or more in cash and gifts for a
date. …Not far from Shibuya bar, two casually dressed 16-year-olds named Yuko
and Akiko are primping at a street corner waiting for someone to pick them up.
They are typical kogyaru (literally “child/girls”), attending school by day,
partying by night. Yuko denies selling her body but cheerfully admits she
sleeps with strangers who sometimes leave her money.[2]
As this article suggests, teenage girls who do not have a
special problem with living or eating sell sex and make a great deal of money.
This fact makes the international media exploit enjo-kosai for
interesting coverage. Consequently, it gives a chance for people all over the
world to know the social problem in Japan. Some people, who know I am from that
country, asked me with curiosity, “Is it true that high school girls in Japan
are making money by selling their panties with blood on them after sex
[prostitution]?” Unfortunately, my answer to this question is yes. Such
questions show people’s interests in enjo-kosai. At the same time, they
indicate that enjo-kosai has an extraordinary attribute to be drawing
attention by the mass media all over the world.
The
media tends to focus on enjo-kosai as problematic teenage girls’
behavior; however, the activity indeed involves more stakeholders. The teenage
prostitutes exist because men buy them. Typically, the sponsors are middle-aged
men, who have enough money for sex. Some young male college students are
involved as well. Besides, it is not true that only people involved with enjo-kosai
are problematic. The central question is that why contemporary Japan has such a
social problem. In this paper, I will argue that this happens due to an
insufficient sex education, an indifferent social temperament, the prevalence
of consumerism, and the power of word of mouth.
The first reason that facilitates enjo-kosai in
Japan is lack of sufficient sex education. The two ideal sources of sexual
knowledge for children are the family, usually parents, and schools because
they are primary agents in the socialization process. In reality, though, some
children and full-grown adults engage in enjo-kosai. Home and school
could have educated them well enough not to engage in such activities.
At home
The majority of families in contemporary Japan still
think that discussions about sex between parents and children are
inappropriate. The atmosphere in Japan has been hostile for adults at home to
be open about sexuality to youths, even with regards to educational purpose. In
2000, Hayashi Kazuma, an elementary school teacher, conducted a survey of 198
college students, whose ages were between 18 and 23, in Shinsyu University,
Nagano, Japan. One of his questions was the following: “Have you ever had a
discussion about sexuality with your parents or other adults at home? If any,
please describe or list your experience.” 104 out of 129 people (80.6%)
answered, “No, or I cannot think of it.” Hayashi described some noticeable
responses. Without mentioning the reason, one student replied that sex
education should be offered at school rather than at home. This comment implies
that s/he believed that home should not be a place to learn about sexuality.
Another one said that her/his parents had not been interested in this issue at
all. This statement reflects her/his parents’ lack of responsibility on their
child’s sexuality. According to Hayashi, it seemed that the respondents, who
claimed they received sex education at home were given short instructions, such
as “Be careful all the time,” and “Contraception is important for you.” Hayashi
concluded that the sexual education tended to be done lightly, compared to
schools.[3]
Although the number of samples in Hayashi’s survey is small and they are all
college students, the result shows that the significantly high percentage of
people did not feel they had not received sex education at home or it had been
brief. The interaction with family is not functioning as a prime source for
young people to have some insight of sexuality to prevent enjo-kosai.
At
school
In addition, sex education at schools is missing
significant substance in its contents in order to prevent enjo-kosai.
According to Kawahara Yukari, a researcher of gender and sexuality at Waseda
University, Tokyo, many students do not take sex education seriously even
though students receive it. Kawahara researched the topic of sexual education
by observing secondary schools’ classrooms in health education courses. In
Japanese secondary school, issues of sexuality are primarily treated in health
education courses. According to Kawahara, typically, students belittle both
sexual education courses and even the teachers primarily because health
education is not included in the subject for entrance examinations for high
schools/universities.[4]
Classrooms
of health education courses are the place for learning social expectations.
However, according to Kawahara, Japanese schoolteachers’ prospects are usually
too idealistic and behind the times, and this fact makes students less enthusiastic.
More specifically, their focus regarding sexual ethics is on marriage and
reproduction[5]. Kawahara
explains the social expectation in Japan: keeping one’s chastity. Mr. Noma, the
instructor of the health education course Kawahara visited, made a statement
after the discussion for teenage pregnancy:
As we have learned, if you
choose childbirth, you would have big problems such as expenses for childbirth.
You are still high school student; you don’t have enough ability to raise
children. Eventually, you might have to quit high school. I know that you have
dreams and hopes for the future, but you might have to give up these things. In
order to avoid this, you should make wise decisions about your sexual behavior.
You have to care for your partner. You have to say “no.”[6]
Mr. Noma insists that a couple without money and social
responsibilities should not have a baby. Since students have no responsibility
in the public, they should not have sex. Kawahara emphasizes the way of Mr.
Noma’s explanation as a persuasion for abstinence: “It should be noticed that
Mr. Noma never mentioned the choice of ‘safe sex’ with a condom. Although
students mentioned the word ‘rubber,’ Mr. Noma tactically ignored it and never
pursued the issue of contraception in the class.”[7]
The schoolteacher does not give his students any choice of having sex. This
means that the schoolteacher does not give students instructions about morality
on sex, even though enjo-kosai is going on in reality.
Instead of just persuading students to practice
abstinence, schoolteachers could have a different approach in sex education in
order to prevent enjo-kosai. Teachers’ expectation, chastity, is too
idealistic because many teenagers in present-time Japan are not virgins. In
1999, JASE (The Japanese Association for Sex Education) reported that the rate
of high school students who had had sex was dramatically increasing in the
previous few years. For example, in 1987, nine percent of high school girls had
had sexual intercourse(s) with others; however, in 1999, it was 24%. The
samples of students include not only high school students in large cities, but
also ones in small villages. Therefore, even if the large cities are less
conservative and have higher rates, these numbers do not reflect only the extreme
cases and they are averaged out.[8]
By 1999, about one fourth of high school students have already lost their
virginity. The others probably know classmates are having sex. Why would
students listen to their teachers? Schoolteachers could have more open-minds
about teenagers having sex. Then schools would have provided teenagers with sex
education that would prevent enjo-kosai. This is what teenagers want.
Iwamuro Shinya, a doctor dealing with sexual organs at Atsugi Clinic, describes
his experience of sex education at schools:
I don’t think sex education is too
difficult. …Whenever I make a speech, I don’t understand why students are
listening to me so seriously even though I am talking very fundamental
knowledge of sex [such as phimosis, menstruation, and transmission of AIDS].
Schoolteachers always tell me that their students listen to me very well even
though they never listen to the teachers and just talk with their classmates. I
think that my speech contains nothing special. I give them information they
really want to know, and this is it. [9]
Iwamuro points out that students listen to him because
students need his subjects to gain insights regarding sexuality for real use.
This way, enjo-kosai might have been prevented because children would
obtain proper sexual knowledge and they would know what is right or wrong.
Attitude of people not in enjo-kosai
Furthermore, another reason enjo-kosai exists in
Japanese society is the indifferent temperament that people have. If people who
are not engaged in enjo-kosai had mentalities that do not allow it and
they were active enough, that activity might not exist. Kurihara Lumi, a historian and social scientist at Fukushima University,
had the discussions in her seminar about the indifferent nature of people,
especially young people. The topic was, “People, including college students,
used to having mentalities oriented on justice and they took actions for it;
for instance, they were aggressively active against Vietnamese War. However,
social atmosphere had changed and people do not feel like they want to change
something injustice any more. Why is that?” She selected the good opinions and
one of them are shown as follows:
There are two
reasons why we ignore corruptions in our society and we do not want to change
it. First, nowadays, the temper of college students makes us not take any
action. No sensation and indifference. People think that if we took actions,
nothing would change; therefore, it is useless, which makes people lethargic.
Second, the problem does not affect them directly.[10]
Her interpretation suggests that even if people know that
corruptions are happening, they most likely do not care unless those bad things
harm them directly. According to Kurihara, people are in nothingness because
the society is too large. They know they cannot improve the society.
Consequently, modern Japan contains a conspicuously large number of indifferent
people.
Under this circumstance, Japanese people, who are not
involved with enjo-kosai, collude in it. Shibui Tetsuya, a freelance
writer had a survey about enjo-kosai. On his website, he put the message
board so people can write their opinions. For the question, “What do you think
about enjo-kosai?,” a great deal of people from all generations of both
women and men do not show any concern: “If they want it [enjo-kosai],
what can I tell them?” (high school male student) or “I don’t think it’s good,
but it’s up to them.” (27-year-old female).[11] From the contexts, it seems that they are not involved
with enjo-kosai, but they accept it as a social phenomenon. They do not
want to intervene with the prostitutes and their patrons because activities of enjo-kosai
do not harm the people who are not involved.
Attitude of people in enjo-kosai
Consequently, people involved in enjo-kosai can
exist in such an environment where people are indifferent. Prostitutes and
patrons usually believe that they are not doing anything wrong to others, so
doing enjo-kosai is unproblematic. According to people engaged in enjo-kosai,
a patron buys sex, and a girl sells her body and earns money; everybody is
happy and nobody loses anything. In November 1996, Oonishi Jyun, a newspaper
writer, and Yanagawa Keiko, a high school girl back then, gathered people
including advocates and opponents in one place for a serious discussion about enjo-kosai.
One eleventh-grade girl, Yumiko, who could sell her body for 70,000-80,000 yen
(about $600) per session, says, “Enjyo-kosai is all right because I
don’t have enough money. I don’t make any trouble to anybody. Parents? I don’t
cause any problem if they don’t know what I’m doing.”[12]
It is not possible to see any hesitation in regards to prostitution from her
words because she believes she does not bother anyone. Therefore, she does not
want others to intervene in her life. In other words, as far as Yumiko does not
cause any problem to others, according to her logic, she can do whatever she
wants: even prostitution. The mentalities of both people involved in compensated dating and ones not engaged in it make enjo-kosai
exist in the Japanese society.
Facts of consumerism
In addition to those reasons, consumerism is common among
many teenagers, which is another major reason why enjo-kosai occurs in
Japanese society. As I mentioned in Introduction, in pre modern Japan, a
prostitute normally needed money for her life; without selling her body to
strange men, she and her family members could not survive. However, nowadays,
prostitutes, especially teenagers, want money for excess luxury in many cases.
They typically want to buy expensive brand-name items such as a new and fancy
cell phone, Louis Vuitton’s handbag (at least $400), Jayro’s suits (36,000 yen
[$300] or above) and Nars’s lipsticks ($20)[13].
Not only they want those, but also some of them actually
buy them. In 2001, a Nissin OilliO, the large food company, conducted a survey
about the situation of brand-name items for high schoolgirls. Of 372 students
all over the country, about 40 percent of them have some brand-name products.
One fourth of them has all of a brand-name bag, accessory, and wallet[14].
In fact, those high school girls, or even junior high school girls buy
expensive designer clothes up to 200,000 yen ($1,700) in boutiques[15].
The
possibility for schoolgirls earn money in ordinary ways
If schoolgirls want to buy such expensive items, they
need a great deal of money. A Nissin OilliO asked questions about high
schoolgirls’ sources of income also. About 280 people (75%) responded that they
receive less than ten thousand yen ($80) as a monthly allowance. Also, about
116 people (30%) said that they have a normal job (a non-enjo-kosai job)[16].
In present-time Japan (November 2002), It is getting accepted little by little
for high school students to get a job because of needs of parents and industry[17].
However, many schools still have strict school laws; for example, in Kanazawa,
(Ishikawa Prefecture, population 420,000) all high schools prohibit students
getting a job.[18] Many
schoolteachers and parents believe that high school students cannot study
enough and are harmed if they work[19]. According to the results of the Nissin
OilliO’s survey, even though schoolgirls do not earn enough money to buy
brand-name goods, some high school actually girls buy expensive item(s) to
fulfill their desires. It is not possible to see a direct connection with enjo-kosai;
however, the results indicate possibilities of some of these schoolgirls
running into enjo-kosai to earn a great deal of money.
Reasons
for consumerism
These girls wear these expensive items because they want
to be fulfilled. One twelfth-grade girl
thinks “the expression of my pride comes from wearing cool brand-name items as
I spend a lot of money. Prostitution is the method to keep my pride up.”[20]
It is an irony how she believes that prostitution has positive effect on her
dignity, even though it seems to me that she is completely ruining her pride.
All they need is money and cool brand-name goods, and for
that purpose, they do whatever they can do in order to earn money. Going back
to Shibui’s survey, one high school girl described her enjo-kosai
experience when she encountered Japanese mafias (yakuza):
Enjo [enjo-kosai]
is not easy as you imagine. At least, to me or my friends, it is a gamble. …But
I want money. If I can work, I would do it. But Parents don’t give me
permission. I wished I could work and quit enjo-kosai. I love money.
Without it, my life has no meaning. Enjo is harsh. I wanna quit.
Besides, I have a boyfriend. But I want money. I want permission for work [as
she gets little older]. I hate those oyaji [dirty old men]. They disgust
me. I want you to know I’m making money with pain. …Sorry, Mr. Yakuza.
You said to me, “Don’t do it [prostitution] again,” and let me go. But I still
have to interfere your business. I really want money. If Parents give me
permission for work, I promise I will quit it.[21]
As
she said repeatedly, she needed money, although she cannot work because her
parents did not permit it. That feeling overcame fear of “Mr. Yakuza”,
and hatred on “oyaji”. It shows how important a Louis Vuitton’s handbag
or Jayro’s suits were for her. The consumerism in Japanese culture drives some
young girls to prostitution.
Finally, the number of people involved in compensated dating is large enough to spread itself by word of mouth. This
social problem is stimulated by regulation of cell phones. In Japan, it is
common to have an Internet connection via a cell phone, where people can send
files of messages and images called mail, or a cell phone version of e-mail.
As the name implies, a cell phone’s mail works just like a computer’s. Once a
person gets a cell phone in Japan, individuals continuously receive invitations
from deai-kei-saito, which is a telephone service that people consult in
order to find somebody with common interests. Many of deai-kei-saito are
telephone dating services. In deai-kei-saito, people send a mail
in order to seek dating relations. As men receive these mails many men
respond on a cell phone to find their targets, potential prostitutes, as many
of girls on the service are.
According to Internet Watch, an Internet news site, in
March 2002, the Metropolitan Police Department announced that in September and
October 2001, they asked questions to 539 secondary students in Yamagata,
Tokyo, Osaka, and Shimane. The survey indicates that 22 percent of high school
girls have experienced deai-kei-saito and 35.8 percent of them had seen
people they met in the services, who would be potential enjo-kosai
girls even though some of them might not be involved with immoral activities
and purely enjoy seeing new people.[22]
According to People’s Daily, The Metropolitan Police Department also reported
that in August 2002, the number of people arrested due to deai-kei-saito
related crimes in the first six months in 2002 (793 cases) was 2.6 times as
many as the one in the first six months in 2001.[23]
The number of crimes related to deai-kei-saito had been increased. At
the same time, we can safely assume that the number of enjo-kosai has
been increased as well.
Although the media had probably been the major
informational sources of enjo-kosai at the beginning, the power of word
of mouth is currently the prime supply because there are more than enough
people who can tempt others into doing enjo-kosai. Miyadai Shinji, a
sociologist, wrote a book about teenagers’ enjo-kosai, “The Uniformed
Girls’ Choice.” In the book, he argues that those schoolgirls already know
their sexual value, meaning that the older men would buy them. Those
schoolgirls, being involved with enjo-kosai for the first time, are
typically triggered by the bad classmates who are already in it.[24]
If a classmate, who is already involved in enjo-kosai, asked her friends
to go to enjo-kosai together, it is extremely hard for them to say “no”.
This is how the number of the teenage prostitutes can still go up.
As I have tried to show in this
paper, it is necessary to ask who is creating the social atmosphere that
facilitates enjo-kosai. Are they only sex sellers and buyers,
represented as high school girls and older men? No, although enjo-kosai
is debated primarily as a problem of the girls who are involved, this social
problem points at a larger altered crisis of the people. I believe that each
individual in Japan has to tackle the complex problem. Adults have to be
trained in order to prepare for sex discussion at home. Schoolteachers have to
improve the program to meet students’ real needs. Then all people have to learn
about sexuality seriously. The issue of enjo-kosai is not somebody
else’s problem when they think about ones they love living in Japan. Many
people might be disgusted by behaviors of the prostitutes and patrons I have
discussed here. If they took actions to stop them, prostitutes like Yumiko would
realize their existence bothers somebody. Their activities would break her
logic, in which one can do whatever s/he wants to do if the behavior does not
bother others. Each individual has to discuss the negative consequences of
consumerism. Although it is one’s freedom how to dress, prostitution is not a
right way to make money to buy expensive items. They are ruining their dignities by selling their bodies. It is
essential for everybody to be educated well enough not to get confused when
they are thrown a great deal of information. As a man from Japan, I hope keenly
that I will see the day that enjo-kosai will disappear from my country
completely.
[1] Garon, Sheldon. 1993. The world’s oldest debate?
Prostitution and the state in imperial Japan, 1900-1945: American
Historical Review. 89.
[2] Hills Ben. January 1996. Tokyo’s teen tribes:
World Press Review 43/1: 39-40.
[3] Hayashi Kazuma. 2000. Sexual education at home,
(Survey, Shinsyu University) <http://www.geocities.co.jp/Neverland/1315/homeeco.html>
(Accessed 13 October 2002.) translation mine.
[4] Kawahara Yukari. 1996. Politics, pedagogy, and
sexuality: sex education in Japanese secondary schools (Ph.D. thesis, Yale
University): 96.
[5] Kawahara Yukari. Politics, pedagogy, and sexuality:
sex education in Japanese secondary schools: 135.
[6] Kawahara Yukari. Politics, pedagogy, and sexuality:
sex education in Japanese secondary schools: 135.
[7] Kawahara Yukari. Politics, pedagogy, and sexuality:
sex education in Japanese secondary schools: 135.
[8] The Japanese Association for Sex Education. Sei-syounen-no
sei-koudou zenkoku-chousa (Sexual education at home), 15 October
2002. <http://www.jase.or.jp/kenkyu_zigyo/2_f.html> (Accessed 15 October
2002.).
[9] Iwamuro, Shinya, 15 October 2002. Koukai-shinai,
koukai-sasenai, sei-kyouiku-wo (Sex Education Should Make Teenagers Not
Regret Their Lives). (Essay, The Japanese Association for Sex Education)
<http://www.jase.or.jp/kenkyu_zigyo/a5.html#kokai> (Accessed 18 October
2002.) translation mine.
[10] Kurihara Lumi. 2002. Rekishi-gaku, gakusei-no
kansou-no ichibu (History, Selected Students’ Feedbacks).
<http://www.ads.fukushima-u.ac.jp/~lumi/html/hk_08.html> (Accessed 25
October 2002.) translation mine.
[11] Shibui Tetsuya. Enjyo-kosai ankeeto (Enjyo-kosai
Survey). <http://member.nifty.ne.jp/~sbtetuya/> (Accessed 13 October
2002.) translation mine.
[12] Oonishi Jyun. Monthly Okonomiyaki (e-magazine). 1
November 1996. “Jyoshi-kou-sei” to-iu na-no burando-wo suttee (After
throwing away the brand called High School Girl).
<http://www.livex.co.jp/okonomi/9611/top.html> (Accessed 19 October
2002.) translation mine.
[13] eLUXURY, Louis Vuitton—Women, Handbag &
Backpacks, 26 October 2002.
<http://www.eluxury.com/brands/louis_vuitton/f02/collection.jhtml?SectionID=6000&CategoryID=3001&SubCategoryID=3004&pageNum=1>;
Jayro, Line up, 26 October 2002.
<http://www.jayro.co.jp/jayro/catalogue_top.html>;
Neiman Marcus, 26 October 2002.
<http://www.neimanmarcus.com/store/catalog/prod.jhtml?itemId=prod11469&parentId=&navCount=1&navAction=jump>
[14] The Nisshin OilliO, Ltd. Seikatsu-jyouhou magajin
syoku-to seikatsu-jyouhou repooto (Life information magazine—Report
about life information and food 24). (Survey) October 2002.
<http://www.nisshin.oilliogroup.com/magazine/c20020513.shtml> (Accessed
19 October 2002.)
[15] Economist (US). 8 June 1996. Clueless in Tokyo.
66.
[16] The Nisshin OilliO, Ltd. Life information
magazine—Report about life information and food 24. (Survey) (Accessed 19
October 2002.)
[17] Kyouiku-ouendan (Education supporter). 14 November 2002.
Seitoshidou-no jissen.
<http://www.d9.dion.ne.jp/~rekishi/02-3seitosidou.htm> (Accessed 16
November 2002)
[18] Kanazawa kodomo-wo hagukumu koudou suishin-iinkai (Kanazawa
Children’s Development Commission 2). 22 August 2002.
<http://www.city.kanazawa.ishikawa.jp/j-koukai/kaigi/education/child2/bunkakai2/tiiki2_2-8.html>
(Accessed 16 November 2002.)
[19] Mail-magazine, Kyouiku-ouendan (Education supporter). Seitoshidou-no
jissen. <http://www.d9.dion.ne.jp/~rekishi/02-3seitosidou.htm>
(Accessed 16 November 2002)
[20] Response for Eejyanaika-san’s essay (1012).
<www.linkclub.or.jp/~jibun/dictionary/
Essay/Comeejanaika.html> (Accessed 19 October 2002.) translation mine.
[21] Shibui, Tetsuya. Enjyo-kosai Survey, (Accessed 17
October 2002.) translation mine.
[22] Internet Watch (Internet news site) March 28, 2001. 22%
of high school girls have used deai-kei sites, a half of them have actually
seen the partner. (Article)
<http://www.watch.impress.co.jp/internet/www/article/2002/0328/npa.htm>
(Accessed 19 October 2002.)
[23] , People’s Daily (newspaper), 22 August 2002. Deai-kei
sites related crimes 2.6 times as much as the last year. (Article)
<http://www.peopledaily.co.jp/j/2002/08/22/jp20020822_20493.html>
(Accessed 19 October 2002.)
[24] Miyadai Shinji. 1996. Seifuku-shojyo-tachi-no sentaku
(The Choice of Uniformed Girls).
<http://jinbun1.hmt.toyama-u.ac.jp/socio/lab/koudoku/96/kou_takahashi.htm>
(Accessed 26 October 2002.) translation mine.