Corrections and Clarifications
Stewart Valcour, in an E-mail, puts to rest all of my conjecture about the
fate of the SS Awatea, the troopship with 5,000 troops aboard, which was
involved in the collisions in the convoy described in Chapter Four. Here
in Stewart's words are facts on the Awatea.
In your chapter you wondered if it (the Awatea) went back to Halifax or continued
beyond. According to my father (John Henry Valcour), the ship had the front
of it severely damaged and was lucky not to have sunk itself. Its speed was
reduced to below 3 knots, and it was escorted back to Halifax where it was
repaired.
My dad, John Henry Valcour, was in fact destined for the European theater,
as a tank driver. Upon his return to Halifax, he tells the story (only now,
to his children), that they were given 1 month leave due to the "at sea"
incident. This was subsequently reduced to two weeks, then one week, then
three days. Being a bit of an original, he decided (and was not alone) to
take his leave anyway. This got him in some hot water, but not enough for
the government not to send him over on the next available ship. He spent
the balance of the war in several theaters (Italy, Africa, etc) and was part
of the group that was there when Holland was liberated. Not that this is
important now, but when he returned he wanted desperately to attend university.
He was bright (as I can now see, given his success in life), and would have
enjoyed the study of engineering. He was refused (his CO said he was from
the farm and to the farm he would return) and this disappointment remained
with him for the balance of his life, though he didn't let it stop him.
My thanks to Stewart and to all others who have so generously provided light
for this passage.
My webmaster has suggested, in gentle words for him, that I use only selected
abbreviations, especially on naval terms, and define them and be consistent
in their use. For example, OOD is Officer of the Deck, and JOOD is Junior
Officer of the Deck. Radm is Rear Admiral in the early chapters, but later
I gave up and used the full designation, Rear Admiral. The term that has
developed the most questions is what I have called "the 5" 38 cal. gun."
The five inches refers to the bore diameter. It is close to 127mm. The 38
cal. refers to the length of the gun barrel, with the word caliber abbreviated.
The gun barrel is 38 calibers long, or 38 times five inches, 190 inches or
roughly 16 feet long. The identification is confusing, because the caliber
of the gun is five inches, just as a .45 caliber has a bore diameter just
less than one half inch. Fuze is another questioned word. Naval ordnance
has appropriated that spelling to denote the firing train that eventually
makes the high explosive go off.
1943; The U.S. is Now A Mediterranean Force on Land and Sea
U.S. land and sea forces reached near parity with the British in the
Mediterranean in early 1943. The next time uncertainty occurred about who
would fight and who would not, the situation worked out much more to our
disadvantage than it had with the various political shades of the French
military in Morocco. This would be at Salerno, and the Italian surrender
provided the uncertainty. At Salerno, the Germans were able to take advantage
of what we might have thought was bad news for them, Marshal Badoglio's
surrender. But, we must first go to Lake Bizerte and to the assault beaches
at Sicily before we come to Salerno.
Before setting out on her Mediterranean duties, it should be noted that Edison's
third skipper took over on February 24, 1943. On that day, CDR William R.
Headden was relieved by LCDR Hepburn A. Pearce, Edison's Executive Officer.
Lt. James Abner Boyd fleeted up to XO of the Edison. Lt. (Jg) Richard "Dick"
Hofer became Gunnery Officer .The next four chapters will deal mostly with
action-filled months for Edison in 1943 and 1944 in the Mediterranean.
Tunisia
The Axis forces in Tunisia, confronted by the British from the east, and
the predominantly U.S. Allied forces from the west, surrendered on 13 May
1943. Field Marshal Rommel got out, but many of his soldiers became POWs.
This cemented North Africa in Allied hands while the north rim of the
Mediterranean remained under Hitler's control. Malta stood fast as a British
island outpost. General Eisenhower remained Supreme Allied Commander in the
Mediterranean for all of 1943 while the next in command, land, sea and air,
were British. Allied naval forces remained under the command of Admiral of
the Fleet Sir Andrew B. Cunningham RN, and then under Admiral Sir John Cunningham
RN, who succeeded him.
Command-wise, sea matters went well. Not so much can be said for land forces
and air commands. Even considering the testy nature of General Montgomery
("Monty"), the British were not always the problem. U.S. air, though still
a part of the U.S. Army, followed their own star.
U.S. Destroyers: New Roles
From January 1943 on, there were no U.S. Navy air forces available for
Mediterranean operations except for the cruiser spotting planes. Available
Atlantic escort carriers were fully engaged in Hunter/Killer ASW efforts
in the Atlantic. As larger carriers were commissioned, they went to the Pacific,
where there were fleet engagements to be fought, some related to the strategic
island hopping counter offensive there. Although there was an Italian surface
fleet, no more fleet battles were to be fought in the Mediterranean. Italian
submarines were active in the days leading up to Sicily.
Coordinated amphibious assaults characterized the remaining efforts in the
Mediterranean conflict. These shaped the mission of U.S. destroyers. On defense,
even accounting for some episodes of accurate German counter fire during
and after landing assaults, it was their submarines, mines and aircraft that
became the prime concerns of Allied naval ship commanders. The French defending
North Africa during TORCH scored more hits on naval vessels than the Germans
did in the balance of the Mediterranean campaign. Naval gunfire, particularly
US naval gunfire, in support of troops ashore, came into its own. In Volume
IX of the History of United States Naval Operations in World War II, author
Samuel Eliot Morison (writing under the title "Sicily, Salerno and Anzio"
in 1954, almost ten years after leaving the North African story in his Volume
II) stated in the Volume IX Preface, "Frequently, in Italian and German sources,
we find that this ferocious and devastating intervention of the Allied Navies
was the crucial factor that forced Axis ground forces to retire." He was
referring to naval gunfire.
The 1860s surveys which the British had conducted, resulting in the British
North African Purple Grid System, provided the frame of reference for Allied
sea and land forces, especially for shore fire control of naval gunfire.
U.S. Navy units remained under the command of Vice Admiral Hewitt's Eighth
Fleet which was part of Admiral Cunningham's combined Allied naval operational
force. These "Purple Grid" maps, very hard to read under blackout red light
illumination, covered both sides of the Mediterranean.
It is appropriate to note that Samuel Eliot Morison dedicated his Volume
IX to Vice Admiral Lyal A. Davidson who died in 1950. We have already met
the Admiral in this story and will meet him again in these next few chapters.
Morison's dedication was most appropriate.
High Strategy in the First Six Months of 1943
By January 1943, US land forces were moving in strength toward Tunisia from
the east and the British Eighth Army under General Montgomery was moving
west, fresh from a victory at El Alamein. Although the siege of Stalingrad
had been lifted, Germany has nearly 200 divisions putting pressure on the
Russians. Pacific supply routes to Siberia, North Atlantic routes to Murmansk,
and the extra long trip around the Cape of Good Hope to the Persian Gulf
were long and exposed to German interdiction. Allied losses of over 700,000
tons of shipping sunk in November 1942 showed some signs of easing with half
that reported in December 1942. Roosevelt, Churchill and their senior military
staffs met once again in Casablanca for just over a week beginning January
14, 1943. Stalin was invited but did not come. The argument over the cross
channel invasion was renewed. The US pressed for sooner, and the British
for later.
The three binding concepts agreed to earlier (1941) kept this conference
from splitting the coordinated effort thus far achieved. These concepts were
the priority to defeat Hitler before Japan, to persevere in ASW operations,
and to give Stalin a second front which would drain pressure from Hitler's
eastern front or at least, make sure that he had no additional forces to
send there. Notwithstanding, General Marshall and Admiral King wanted to
keep the Japanese sufficiently off balance to prevent their consolidation
of Pacific gains. The US also wanted to put North Africa on hold after defeating
Rommel, and gradually build up forces for a cross channel invasion. The British
wanted to take Sardinia or Sicily and pursue the "soft underbelly" theory.
The British wanted to win objectives one at a time while the Americans always
wanted to be able to answer the question, "What do we do next?" On the face
of it, with the agreement to invade Sicily next and with no follow-on objective
stated, the British won the argument. The U.S. departed from the Casablanca
Conference bargaining determined to point for and plan for a cross channel
invasion that would be the "big one" irrespective of what further was
accomplished in the Mediterranean. Eisenhower could only spare one day from
the African Front to present his views at this Casablanca Conference.
In the final discussions, the British had favored occupation of Sardinia.
General Brehon Somervell, the US supply chief, according to author Morison,
pointed out that the Straits of Sicily were still too dangerous for all but
the most urgent convoys, and that gaining control here gave unchallenged
access to the Suez Canal, thus adding up to an equivalent of 225 freighters
saved from the Cape of Good Hope route to India. Sicily became the decision.
The broad outline furnished to General Eisenhower at the conclusion of the
Casablanca Conference on January 22, 1943 called for a British Force mounted
from the Near East and a U.S. force mounted from Africa, from the U.S. and
from Britain.
Transit Challenges to Sicily
From Cap Bon in Tunisia, the closest point of Sicily is just under 100 miles.
This shortening of distances accompanied by home front progress in the design
and production of more seaworthy landing craft meant that shore to shore
amphibious operations would play a role in the Sicilian invasion. The same
distance factor meant that German bombers were closer. Even more than for
Casablanca, U.S. planners had to make plans without many of the participating
commanders, especially the troop commanders, most of whom were occupied with
the action in Tunisia until the final month of planning for HUSKY, as the
Sicilian invasion was named. Men like Eisenhower, Patton, Truscott and Allen
were gaining recognition in discreetly written dispatches in which a little
"name dropping" got by censors on their way to the U.S. news media. General
Montgomery, too, from the British side was becoming a household name in the
U.S.
Edison Takes Up Her New Post
A number of small assignments in and out of Mers El Kebir occurred between
June 24 and June 30, 1943. On the 30th, Edison participated in amphibious
landing exercises at a beach called Arzeu, east of Oran. That beach had been
involved in the TORCH landings at Oran on November 8, 1942 and some of the
debris from that effort still littered the beach. When the surf rolled on
Mediterranean coasts, danger was present and our practice run at Arzeu resulted
in some foundering casualties. We were in practice for the invasion of Sicily.
The Army had learned to lighten the "pack" somewhat for its soldiers. Aboard
Edison, our gunners anticipated giving our troops the benefit of some suppression
fire before they hit the beach. But, that was not to be.
On July 1, 1943, Edison departed for Bizerte, Tunisia. The anchorage in Lake
Bizerte gave our crew a closer look at War than most cared for. The lake
was still full of floating, dead bodies. Edison crewmembers had taken advantage
of a brief authorization to swim, brief because it was terminated by signal
light from another warship conveying orders to stay out of the water due
to contamination.
Danger From Above
Nights, especially the night of July 6, involved Edison's first experience
with what would become a daily occurrence, regular air raids by German bombers.
I admired the progress that US and Allied forces ashore had made in their
advance against the Germans in North Africa and particularly in the air defense
capability installed just since the local area had been subdued in mid-May.
Powerful searchlights combed the sky for enemy planes. U.S. and British
technicians who had come to a foreign land in war conditions, and undertaken
what seemed in accomplishment a routine connection with the local power grid,
says something about a capability American citizens take for granted. Sometimes
the generators that the U.S. brought along filled in for local power facilities
that had become battle casualties.
Selfishly, I liked any tool that helped preserve my life. Once two of those
searchlights got an intersection on an aircraft, that pilot could not wiggle
out of the beam. Then, he was a pretty good bet to get some serious flak.
Our defending planes were aloft too, and if they stayed out of the Zone of
the Interior ( ZI), a defined conical envelope with its apex on the ground,
they would not be shot at by our ground based AA guns. We wore hard hats
during these attacks as the falling shrapnel was very dangerous. Only
occasionally did U.S. warships augment ground based air defense fire in the
confines of Lake Bizerte because of the communication and coordination
difficulties. Edison's main battery was credited with one JU-88 (German Junkers,
Model 88). We were pretty much under the protective umbrella of the British
air defense commands while in Lake Bizerte. We were there to form up for
a departure to Sicily.
Since the JU-88 is a plane we saw frequently, it is pictured below. This
photo is taken from a recognition slide in the collection of Bill Rowan of
Springfield, Massachusetts, who was the Ensign in charge of the U.S. Navy
gun detail on a US Liberty ship in WW II. The original photos of ships and
planes in the nearly 1,000 35mm glass slides in each ship's recognition training
set were undoubtedly high quality B&W shots. Thousands of copies were
made, one for each warship and one for each merchantmen flying a U.S. flag
with an Armed Guard crew aboard. There is a tendency in photo reproduction
to pick up Dmin, a higher minimum optical density noticeable mostly as
background, making everything appear darker. Add two layers of glass to create
the slide and with constant feeding and discharging in projectors scratching
the glass, the "target" plane or aircraft almost always looks dim as in twilight
or darkness. It turns out that without intention, the slide pictures come
across to the viewer pretty much as an actual aircraft or ship might appear
under less than ideal twilight conditions.
Another factor in the air defenses at Lake Bizerte were the British night
fighter pilots, equipped with a twin engine aircraft called the Beaufighter.
Those were truly, friendly "friendlies."
Lake Bizerte is a large lake. Again, U.S. ingenuity was called upon to hack
open a larger channel to the Mediterranean for the enormous flotilla which
assembled there for the Sicilian invasion in the summer of 1943. Air views
in wartime photos published after the war showed an even larger assemblage
than surface eyes could see at the time. If Marshal Goering's Luftwaffe,
his Nazi air armadas, were ever to play a part in denying further Allied
penetration in the Mediterranean, it would have defined the concentration
of targets in Lake Bizerte as the ideal place to make the point. That they
did not was an indication that they could not, though that thought never
came to me at the time.
In the main, this force of warships and landing craft in Lake Bizerte were
just for the Licata area, the northernmost of the three landing areas defined
for the U.S. force landings on the Southwest coast of Sicily. Direct from
the States, from England, and from all North African ports west of Bizerte,
U.S. land and sea forces staged for the Gela and the Scoglitti beaches of
Sicilian Invasion. These were the center and the southernmost landing areas
in the U.S. sphere of responsibility for Sicily. The British were doing the
same in the Eastern Mediterranean for their landings on the Southeast coast
of Sicily, with the city of Syracuse one of their primary objectives. Once
again, the whole could be touted as the largest such amphibious operation
ever mounted. Edison was involved in a series of such "firsts". Even Normandy
one year later did not have an eight beaches-wide initial landing spread
like Sicily.
Preparation Time is Over; Sicily Looms
JOSS was the code name for the Licata sector of landing operations under
the immediate command of Rear Adm. Richard Conolly. DIME was the center attack
force under Rear Adm. Hall, with Gela its prime target. Rear Adm. Kirk commanded
the southernmost CENT force, with Scoglitti the beach town in the center
of the several beaches over which its troops would land. Admiral Hewitt,
in overall command of the southwest Sicilian coast landings, "pleaded"according
to author Samuel Eliot Morison, "to be allowed to deliver a pre-landing naval
bombardment." He was turned down by an Army still in denial that naval
bombardment could handle that task. Further, our own Army Air Force was not
going to help neutralize beach defenses. Their decision came as a consequence
of their self-defined sole objective of destruction or interdiction of enemy
air forces. The two decisions leaving the enemy free of pre-landing fire
suppression on the beaches presented quite a challenge for naval gunfire
once our troops hit the beach.
Sicily is a triangle. From Marsala on its westernmost tip, southeast to Portopalo
is 125 statute miles. This leg contains the Licata, Gela, Scoglitti geography
and beaches. From Portopalo on the Sicily's southern tip, north/northeast
to the narrow Strait of Messina between Italy and Sicily, it is another 125
miles. Across the top of the triangle from Marsala to the Strait of Messina,
roughly east to west, is about 180 miles. Edison would get to know the west
side and the top side of this Sicilian triangle very well.
Storm!
An intense low pressure cell suddenly built up in the North Tyrrhenian Sea
where the Italian coast curves west toward Southern France. The water west
and southwest of Sicily where we made our approach was churning with gale
force during the approach on July 9, 1943. The larger landing craft, LSTs,
Landing Ship Tanks, and LCTs, Landing Craft Tanks, and LCIs, Landing Craft
Infantry took a terrible beating. The smaller personnel-bearing LCVPs, though
now much improved from Casablanca, were tossed about like straws. We were
close aboard many of these craft, actually at times looking almost directly
down on them as we went by. None of the soldiers we saw was fit for an assault
operation. Terrible sea sickness enveloped them all, as they lay flat, or
across the gunwales puking into the sea. I imagined that it was the one time
that these men whose units would be chosen over and over again for assault
landings probably welcomed the landing itself, even acutely aware of the
enemy actions that they knew they would have to meet. The LST, bearing the
alphabet letter S for Ship, was truly a ship. The Germans acknowledged as
much by torpedoing them and by using advanced glider bombs against them.
The LST could off-load a loaded LCT from its side into the sea.
U.S. Force Dispositions
JOSS, TF 86, was to put ashore the 3rd Division, Major General Lucian K.
Truscott USA, along with two Ranger battalions in Princess ships, neat little
British pleasure steamers until commandeered for war. The 1st Infantry Division,
Major General Terry Allen USA, along with a combat team of the 2nd Armored
Division and one Ranger Battalion was the responsibility of TF 81, the DIME
force at Gela. TF 85, the CENT force at Scoglitti had the duty to deposit
the 45th Infantry Division, Major General Troy Middleton, USA. Cruisers Brooklyn
and Birmingham backed up JOSS, cruisers Savannah and Boise were ready behind
the DIME force and the cruiser Philadelphia provided the heavy firepower
for the CENT force. At Licata with Edison were seven other destroyers in
dual roles of escort and gunfire support. At Gela, there were 13 destroyers
and at Scoglitti, 16. In immediate "floating" reserve were the remaining
two combat teams of the 2nd Armored, Major General Hugh Gaffey USA, along
with one combat team of the 1st Division. These were part of the DIME force
and as matters developed, this is where they were needed. In Africa, a little
over 100 sea miles away, the 9th Infantry Division was in General Reserve.
General Patton commanded the overall Seventh Army of the Western Task Force.
Commander E. R. Durgin was now ComDesRon 13 with his pennant on the USS Buck.
In DesDiv 25 were Woolsey, Ludlow, Edison, and Bristol supplemented by the
destroyer USS Wilkes. In DesDiv 26, Commander V. Huber, were Nicholson, Swanson
and Roe. Roe was a one-stacker like the Buck, built just before the rest
which were two stack Benson/Livermores. Conolly's flag was on the USS Biscayne
fitted with extra communications gear.
The city-named warships in the Western Task Force were all light cruisers,
with twelve or fifteen 6" guns. The Wichitas, Tuscaloosas and Augustas of
TORCH, all heavy cruisers with 8" guns, had presumably been redeployed to
the Pacific. The British monitor Abercrombie was with the CENT force. I was
not aware of this during the action itself because Edison immediately moved
northwest, then around Sicily's westernmost extremity and on toward Palermo
harbor, after the initial landings, to support the 3rd Division advance.
I did get to see Abercrombie later in broad daylight at Salerno, and she
was a unique site in my naval career. I was totally unprepared to see a monitor.
I thought the Monitor that fought for the Union in the U.S. Civil War was
from a period long gone. The British obviously did not think so. Low in the
water, Abercrombie's only purpose was to float two 18" guns to any battle
scene she could get to. I do not know what her propulsion was. She looked
like she would need to be towed if she had to move with any speed.
If there was one tactical difference in objectives between TORCH at North
Africa and HUSKY at Sicily, it was that capture of the airfields took precedence
over capture of the harbors in the Sicilian invasion. For bringing up reserves,
Allied naval forces were now within a half day's steaming of harbors in North
Africa rather than, as at Casablanca, an ocean away on the east coast of
the U.S. But putting more miles between us and our United States also meant
that our advance was putting us closer to German air bases. We had no carriers,
so needed to capture and put in service any enemy airfield that would fall.
The airfield at Pantelleria, a small island off the southern coast of Sicily,
became a preliminary target in the need to bring our land-based fighter aircraft
to Sicily with more time over target. Some of the friendly force planes available
over Sicily on D-day staged from the newly captured field on Pantelleria.
An Overview of the Landings at Licata
Storm or no, the landings took place as scheduled in the early morning of
July 10, 1943. The boats headed for the beach at 0200. Some boats foundered
in the high surf still running, though the heart of the storm had played
itself out. Swanson and Roe collided in the darkness. Damage was sufficient
to later send them to the States for repair but not before they each played
important roles at Licata beach. Defensive gun fire broke out about 0400.
By dawn, the gun fire from attackers and defenders was heavy. Woolsey and
Nicholson went close in to make smoke to shield the first boat assault waves.
By 0730 the Beachmaster at Red Beach indicated that the smoke had worked,
and that our counter fire had suppressed enemy fire on his beach. Woolsey
had actually used 5" white phosphorus shells to cut off the sight lines of
the defending artillery on the beach to the landing craft. By afternoon,
the port at Licata was in our hands with naval casualties of 23 sailors lost
and 118 wounded.
82nd Airborne paratroops in C-47s experienced rough conditions in the hours
of darkness on July 11. British airborne troop carriers approached on unexpected
navigation tracks on the 12th, missed drop zones, and took fairly heavy small
bore AA fire from landing craft just before drop. Airborne took a beating
at Sicily, losing many lives before encountering enemy action. The lack of
AA discipline was partly due to a planning failure to anticipate how things
might go wrong, and to prepare an emergency communication and drill on the
discipline that would be needed under such conditions. (An example might
be the British MERSIGS manual used with mixed-nation convoy ships at sea,
where for example, two large red flares signaled an emergency turn for convoys.)
Where the communications were in place and were ongoing as on destroyers
and larger warships, AA fire discipline held at Sicily.
Edison's primary mission at Licata was fire support, "on call" from the assigned
Army/Navy shore fire control party that stormed ashore at H-hour on D-day.
Other "missions" were AA and ASW escort, though since we had no transports,
our sole ASW escort duties were to screen the cruisers. At times we were
an independent "patroller" as our forces advanced and later we had "free
lance" directions to go up the coast for "draw their fire" missions. Rarely
did any U.S. warship employ direct fire on enemy targets during the landing
phase. Safety for our own troops from "friendly" fire was paramount. There
were occasions when skippers thought they could get in some damaging licks
as a result of what their own range finders could see, but gaps in the knowledge
of what the actual landing situation was spelled a potential for error. Later
at Salerno, we were specifically asked by the USS Savannah's SFCP if we could
see the line of Tiger tanks advancing on the beachhead, and asked aloud over
voice circuits if we were prepared to go to direct fire. But, that was an
exception.
New Amphibious Tools For Licata, and HUSKY
The final dry beach at Licata had in front of it a series of sandbars. The
last sandbar on the tide of July 10, 1997 was followed by an exceptionally
deep gully parallel to the beach. The LST's draft prevented it from making
it across the last sandbar so six foot steel pontoon segments were fabricated
in the States along with hardware to buckle the segments together. In this
way an LST could carry its own causeway. This enabled the LSTs to unload
tanks or vehicles that would not be immediately inundated as they drove off
the LST. Another method of dealing with this obstacle was a cutout section
in the sides of some LSTs which enabled them to launch a loaded LCT at right
angles to the fore and aft axis of the LST. The LCTs could make it over the
last sandbar. Conolly also had the bulk of the newly available 158 foot LCIs,
capable of carrying 200 men directly to the beach in better fashion than
the smaller 36 foot LCVPs. Rocket launching landing craft dedicated to
pre-landing defender suppression were not yet in the arsenal.
On the enemy side, afloat, the ten Italian and six German subs available
in the central Mediterranean were directed to interdict our supply lines
and avoid tangling with amphibious operations. Though we did not know this,
most German E-boats, motor torpedo boats, and their Italian MAS counterparts
had been withdrawn toward Messina. No Italian surface vessels larger than
PTs sortieed from Italian ports to interfere with HUSKY. The Axis subs sank
some important tonnage en route to HUSKY but paid heavily to surface attacks
from Allied ASW craft that had an increasingly good opportunity to get to
the scene of activity quickly. It was no longer the lonely North Atlantic.
British motor torpedo boats operating off Messina were especially effective.
British subs, too, scored kills on large Italian supply submarines running
from Taranto thru Messina to Naples. Mines were a threat at Porto Empedocle,
just a little northwest of the JOSS sector at Licata.
Island Aircraft Carriers
Pantelleria, an island 60 miles off the southwest coast of Sicily surrendered,
after heavy air and sea bombardments, on 11 June. American engineers, in
just six days of work, fashioned a new airport on Gozo, an island next to
Malta. With these two new fields, Spitfires, for both the British and American
sectors of HUSKY, now had more precious time over the landing areas. This
time became essential because the defenders could call on 800 aircraft, of
which 500 were JU-88s and about 200 were ME-109 fighters.
Ship Transit Traffic Control
We have mentioned the storm. Even with calm seas, the control of sea traffic
for this invasion would have placed heavy demands on communications at sea.
The JOSS force, all shallow draft except the flagship and the naval warships,
had an exceptionally challenging navigation problem. With his boats being
blown before the wind to the east, Admiral Conolly felt required to disobey
Western Task Force "no course change" orders three times on July 9. He used
USS Swanson as a courier ship to Commander Durgin in Buck leading the slow
JOSS convoy. Each time, Conolly ordered the slow group in Buck's charge to
alter course "a point to the north". Starting from an initial course almost
east from the coast of Tunisia toward Malta, this meant a "correction" when
totaled of almost 34 degrees! The Admiral was right. Timid course changes
would have meant inordinate delays in reaching Licata beach and certainly
would have invited late hour traffic jams with sorting out and re-assembly
challenges. By 2100 on the ninth of July, all tracks had converged at the
proper point off Malta and had turned northward to their assigned landing
beaches. By 2300, all radar equipped ships had made landfalls on Sicily.
The winds, though not yet the seas, had begun to moderate. There were delays,
especially getting the slow LCTs with their tanks to the beaches, but Conolly's
in-transit course change decisions enabled this group to play their role,
though late.
Time and Space Merge
Licata is at the western end of the shallow Gulf of Gela and Scoglitti at
the southern end. Bristol had been sent ahead late in the afternoon of the
ninth to make contact with the British beacon submarine, Safari. Bristol
made contact at about 2300 and took station as planned, beaming her searchlight
due south. A PC boat made contact with Bristol and took station five miles
further offshore, with a blinker light operating to seaward. A series of
patrol craft, taking bearings on the one ahead, marked each beach to the
south. Air bombardment of Italian air fields was already underway. Brooklyn
found Bristol at 2330, then covered the release of Conolly's western attack
groups. Birmingham did the same for the easternmost groups. Conolly set the
landings in motion at midnight. At 0300, the Buck, leading the slow convoy
group of LCTs became their landings traffic director The moon set at 0030
and morning twilight began at 0510. A cool clear day was in prospect.
The Roe-Swanson collision mentioned earlier left the westernmost landing
forces light on naval gunfire. USS Buck filled this breach, silencing field
artillery firing on Beach Red. Brooklyn moved in and fired on batteries atop
Mount Sole, then on batteries just behind Beach Red. General Truscott became
impatient that his mobile artillery was being held offshore because the LCTs
had been late. Admiral Conolly ordered all LCTs, now assembling for an orderly
progression into the beach, to get in line abreast and hit the beach as fast
as possible while ordering Edison and Bristol to lay smoke to cover this
broad advance. It worked. They all made it by just after 0800.
Beach Red, the furthermost to the west in the JOSS responsibility, ran northwest
to southeast, and Roe and Swanson's fire support area was close in, in relatively
shallow water almost due west of Red. Edison and Bristol were due south in
somewhat deeper water and on the border with Green Beaches to the east, which
marked the turn of the coastline to almost east-west. At sea, between the
Roe/Swanson fire support area and the Edison/Bristol area were the Gaffi
attack group for Beach Red with LCVP assembly closest to the beach, then
a grouping of LCTS, then LCIs, and then another group of LCTs. This was depicted
as a "transport area" with the larger Landing Craft acting as transports,
shore to shore from Lake Bizerte to Beach Red at Licata. The assault troops
were the 7th RCT of the 3rd Division USA. Both Licata and Gela were astride
roads to Palermo through valleys in Sicily's mountainous terrain. Both Licata
and Gela had rivers, and river plains in front of the hills. Further west
was the larger town of Empedocle, with anticipated Italian motor torpedo
boats and a minefield. The Allies employed PT boats in this area beginning
in the evening of the ninth of July to fend off expected enemy PT boat attacks.
It was while Roe and Swanson were maneuvering at high speed to investigate
what turned out to be our own PT boats that Roe, changing course to miss
the mine field, struck Swanson with damage severe to both. These PT boats
were deployed directly under Admiral Hewitt's command and were operating
unbeknownst to the JOSS destroyers under Conolly.
Brooklyn and Buck made up for the gap in shore fire support left by Roe and
Swanson. It turns out that Licata SFCPs did not make many demands on the
cruisers and destroyers offshore. The Molla landing group for Green Beaches
one and two, was headed by Edison and the minesweeper Sentinel. Their
responsibility included LCI-32, with naval and military commanders destined
to go ashore, and the two Princess ships with their Ranger battalions to
be landed by off loaded British landing craft. The Rangers made shore in
two rocky coves and did not wait for their vehicles, which were on the LCTs
late getting to the beaches. Rangers quickly seized the high ground on 500
foot Mt. Sole, one of the few promontories in all the Gulf of Gela immediately
behind a beach. This hill was directly behind the Green Beaches. It provided
an immediate observation point to assess all the Licata sector operations.
Despite the LCT delay, timing worked for the Molla group. The Rangers hit
the beach at 0300. Just an hour later came the LCVPs off loaded from LSTs,
carrying the 15th RCT of the 3rd Division. With this team able to take over
a full possession of Mt. Sole, the Rangers pressed ahead, still without vehicles,
into the outskirts of Licata itself.
The minesweeper Sentinel became a casualty of repeated air attacks. She was
holed astern in half light at 0500 by a bomber which pressed its attack home.
After four more devastating attacks in the next hour, Sentinel was in dire
straits and was eventually abandoned and sank with loss of life. A US subchaser
and a PC stood by her, rescuing personnel. Of 101 men, 40 got safely off,
51 were wounded and ten were killed.
Where To Next?
Having the troops of the 3rd Infantry Division under General Lucian K. Truscott
on the northwest flank of the U.S. sector invasion proved doubly beneficial.
That the Licata landings were less opposed than those at Gela could be put
down as lucky for the JOSS force. What then happened was the ability of our
commanders and soldiers to take advantage of good fortune. The 3rd Division,
once assured that the situation in the other U.S. sectors was in hand, was
able to turn northward and threaten the port of Palermo. No matter how good
a force gets at lightering and otherwise off-loading equipment and supplies
to move through a beachhead, it is immeasurably easier to do supplies
replenishment through a seaport. Palermo was a good port and we wanted it.
General Truscott, commanding the 3rd Infantry Division, pioneered the "Truscott
Trots" for the occasion. The rear man in the column double times to the front
of his column. I am sure he does not start out relishing the idea that double
timing with a full pack is much fun. But, once a soldier gets the idea that
as soon as he gets to the head of the column, he can resume walking, it must
have played in his head that he wanted to get there. Result 1: the column
moves forward faster than even a defense can pull back. Result 2: Despite
the much longer distance of U.S. forces to Messina than the British, it began
to look like we could get there first. Palermo fell. The U.S. advance along
the top of Sicily toward Messina resumed in a series of leap frog amphibious
assaults with the Edison and other destroyers assisting in the landing phase
and subsequent fire support as artillery for the troops. Naval gunfire as
artillery had been accepted in the Marine Corps; we earned our way into the
full respect of Patton's Army.
Edison began to get some "fan" mail. From the Army! Nice things were said
about our shooting. Those Generals were not all into self-glorification.
We liked them and they developed quite a bent towards us. We will reproduce
some of their actual dispatches later in this story. I only have a record
of one dispatch we sent to a shore group and that one was not a "thank you"
note but a request for coordinates on an enemy battery that was hammering
us. My sense of gratitude for their loyalty to us, some 54 years late, leads
to this:
"You took heavy casualties. You worked under great pressures that seamen
do not face. You worked hard just getting from here to there. We had 50,000
Shaft Horsepower and water that was not always an enemy. I never heard you
gripe about your lot. We were proud to have served you. So, this is a belated
salute from us!"
There were some clear moonlit nights along the north coast of Sicily. The
German air force used new standoff weapons that we did not fully understand.
We learned by experience that a descending colored flare could signify a
bomb falling, a bomb whose tail vanes could be moved from controls in the
parent bomber to improve the impact accuracy. U.S. destroyer Mayrant was
badly hit and had to be helped into the harbor at Palermo. Except for the
tipped over Italian destroyer Genere in a drydock in Palermo, the harbor
came into our hands in good shape. German harassment air attacks picked up
in frequency and again those great Army searchlights ashore helped find and
ultimately down some planes. Offshore, where we spent most of our time patrolling
to interdict any German air, sea or subsea attacks, even in the moonlight,
we would only shoot against aircraft when we had the advantage of a good
silhouette. Our lookouts found plenty for us to be concerned with. Mines
had been a factor at Licata and the sweepers had been very busy. While we
did not find them along the north coast of Sicily, we knew that even the
best night lookout was unlikely to see a "floater" (usually, a moored mine
cut loose from its anchor by our sweepers-and still as dangerous as when
moored unless holed by rifle fire until it filled with water and went to
the bottom). Submarines and German aircraft were the main threat here. The
Luftwaffe had new standoff weapons that we had yet to understand, and they
could still bomb you directly. One did, but not the Edison.
I had only recently qualified as OOD underway. During the Licata to Messina
effort, I began to stand watches without a senior officer to correct my mistakes.
I still was taking everything that happened those days as it came, but I
realized this was a new and important progress point for me. I took it very
seriously. I liked conning a US destroyer and eventually I had the inner
confidence that I could take such a ship anyplace in the world. But, early
on at Palermo, I demonstrated that I had a lot to learn. I had been very
good at aircraft and ship identification in our training classes.
Recognition training with 35mm B&W slides and short interval projection
shutters, and the 5" gun loading machine device, were the two most used training
tools. You focused on something useful. You were distracted from worrying
about the next German attack. I had been especially good in the low visibility
night aircraft identification exercises. But the next episode "was no drill."
Along one night came a single bogey, just as I was enjoying my newfound
responsibility. I got a good glimpse of the plane in star light if not in
a full moonlight. I kept our ship "peaceful". No sense telling the plane
where we were if I was wrong on my identification. I assessed our night caller
friendly, "a C-47." The plane passed down the line toward the next U.S. patrol
destroyer. I "passed the word" to my deck opposite on that ship by voice
over the TBS. "A C-47 just passed down my port side." Moments later, I heard
a muffled explosion some distance away and saw some water mushrooming into
the air. Then came a laconic OOD's voice over my TBS receiver. "That C-47
was a JU-88. He just bombed us. Fortunately, he missed."
Whew! The skipper was asleep. No need to wake him up. But, the helmsman,
the JOOD, and the bridge lookouts had heard this. What an embarrassment,
to say the very least. I resolved to be more humble in the recognition training
sessions. The two planes are pictured in this chapter. I did not show them
side by side. I am still, I must admit, too embarrassed to do that. On separate
pages they do look alike. Side-by-side, well, I was wrong. It could have
been costly. Also, it gave that JU-88 crew a chance to come back another
day and try again.
Before we move this story too far ahead, forces with whom we had cooperated
at various times, had their own trials at Gela and at Scoglitti.
Gela; USS Maddox Sunk
Edison was not at Gela so this is pieced together from comments made at the
time (scuttlebutt) and accounts from other historical narratives. This narrative
is not going to be comprehensive in covering the landings at Gela, nor will
it cover in any detail the combat phase of the landings at Scoglitti, or
the British assault on the southeast coast targeted toward the cities of
Syracuse and Augusta. Suffice it to note that grudging progress was made
by British forces up their coast toward Messina while encountering heavy
resistance. This did have a bearing on the Allied hope to "seal off" the
Strait of Messina and therefore on Edison's deployment as the Seventh Army
"front" to the west moved toward the Straits of Messina.
Licata had been forecast to be the toughest assignment of the three landing
areas for the U.S. forces. Using an all-landing craft assault force meant
not only that those forces would be deployed from the nearest debarkation
ports in North Africa but also reflected a desire to rapidly deploy and engage
the enemy at the point where we expected defenses to be the strongest. As
it developed at Licata, the enemy did not present the strongest resistance
there and our landing strategy at Licata was pointedly successful.
Gela yielded stubbornly. German air chose to concentrate on the sea forces
at Gela, both warships and transports. In the melee, a German divebomber
got in on the stern of the destroyer USS Maddox with a very near miss, then
a hit. These explosions did quite a bit of below-decks damage aft. Events
proceeded unfavorably for Maddox, a Benson/Livermore 1630 ton destroyer like
Edison. The stern went under, and a series of catastrophic explosions occurred
under her hull, opening up so much space that she sank very fast, in about
two minutes. The enemy bomb may not have set off "sympathetic" explosions
of Maddox' ordnance but one observation, that depth charges physically separated
from their deck hold down restraints rolled off or fell off, is plausible.
Then, quickly reaching depth at which set, these were the killing blow for
Maddox. In this two minutes of eternity, 202 were lost, another indication
that Maddox had no control of her fate after the near miss. One who lost
his life was Ensign Eugene J. Canty, an Academy classmate who had joined
Maddox about the same time I joined Edison.
Depth Charge History Seemed to Repeat
In Volume I: Warships, by Keatts and Farr, published by Gulf Publishing in
1990, the authors uncovered the uncannily similar fates of two US destroyers
named Jacob Jones. Both were four pipers of WW I design. The first Jacob
Jones, DD 61, was an early German submarine torpedo casualty of WW I and
her heavy loss of life came as the result of her own depth charge explosions
killing or maiming men in the water. A second Jacob Jones of similar vintage
design, DD 130, did not reach the fleet until WW I hostilities were over.
She became the first U.S. destroyer casualty of WW II, meeting an almost
identical end as her earlier namesake, again with loss of life heavy due
to her own depth charges.
Here is a recorded recollection of Ensign Bernard Frese, USN, who was the
plotting room officer of the USS DeHaven, a Fletcher class destroyer assigned
to escort LCTs loaded with American troops to the north end of Guadalcanal
to cut off escape of Japanese troops. The DeHaven was the victim of a Japanese
bombing attack on 1 February 1943.
Soon thereafter there was a jolt and an explosion. We had taken a direct
hit amidships in the engineering spaces. We lost electric power immediately.
The guns were helpless and the computer useless. ...Meanwhile the ship took
a near miss on the port side and another hit forward....Suddenly, a brilliant
white light appeared, coming from a point forward and slightly above the
Plotting Room. There was no sound....The room turned fire red and everything
started to move. ....somehow my legs were under the overturned computer....The
room was filling with liquid which I thought came from the fuel tank abaft
the Plotting Room. ...Then it occurred to me to open my belt and zip down
my zipper.....I was finally free....Actually the ship was sinking but I didn't
know it at the time.....I....saw that I was out of the Plotting Room with
water up to my waist.....I dove in, wondering if a piece of jagged metal
would slice me open....I heard another voice say, "There she goes."....I
saw the ship's propellers directly above my head and the ship ready to plunge
to the bottom....I set a record doing the backstroke and getting out of the
way......There were several underwater explosions but no churning of the
water like a depth charge would make......
Frese was saved by a sailor with a life jacket who held him up until one
of the LCTs took them aboard. He was covered for dead by several medical
teams and though badly burned, lives to this day. (November 21, 1997) Questioned
about the depth charges, Frese, now a Captain USN (Ret) recalled from discussions
with other survivors (about half the complement survived the sinking) that
a brave sailor went around setting them all on safe in those few moments
before the DeHaven sank.
Tanks Led The Only Counterattack on the Western Task Force
In two days of action on the Gela plain, an attack by the Hermann Goering
Panzer Division heavy tanks with supporting Italian tanks, was broken up
by heavy U.S. cruiser and destroyer fire. This attack got to within one thousand
yards of the beaches. Cruiser Boise, and destroyers Jeffers, Shubrick, Laub
and Cowie left fourteen demolished tanks on the plain. The U.S. Navy finally
got some of the U.S. Army's tanks ashore. These tanks assisted in taking
out more enemy tanks at the turning point of this, the only promising
counterattack mounted by the Germans and Italians against the Western Task
Force.
Naval gunfire did its job at Sicily, but a lot of tuning up needed to be
done in the new SFCP liaisons between Army troops and Navy warships.
Communications and timing left much to be desired. Also, the use of Navy
cruiser float planes for spotting, in the absence of any ground based aircraft
assigned to landing support, proved exceptionally dangerous to those pilots
and crewmembers. Their information was badly needed, but they were no match
for Luftwaffe fighters or ground based AA and took heavy casualties.
Other Gela Events
Luftwaffe aircraft hit the Robert Rowan, an ammunition ship which blew up
and furnished a beacon for air attacks on the night of 10-11 July. Boise,
and destroyers McLanahan, Jeffers, Murphy, Benson, Plunkett and Niblack fought
off numerous attacks. A near miss wounded 18 on the Benson including her
skipper.
LCVPs; Two Views from July 1943
A feeling for what entering an off-loaded LCVP is like is provided in "United
States Navy in World War II", a book compiled and edited by S.E.Ellison for
publisher William Morrow of New York. The following segment is from Battle
Stations by John Mason Brown. He was a writer for the New York World Telegram
newspaper who signed up with the Navy at the outset of hostilities. Here,
he was observing the lowering of his transport's landing craft. Destination
of the landing craft is Scoglitti. This landing craft was off loaded from
a transport, so has at least missed the worst of the storm that JOSS landing
craft to the north at Licata had experienced in the tossing Mediterranean
all the way from Bizerte. Brown's transport had staged from a port that took
her through Gibraltar. The transport's anchor crunched into the bottom off
Scoglitti at 0045 on July 10, 1943.
There's a hell of a lot of difference between our searchlights when they
are looking for the enemy, and enemy searchlights when they are looking for
us. 2:40 a.m. July 10, 1943
They (German aircraft) headed for our beaches, dropping flares over them.
Then they turned wheel for us, still dropping flares. ....One of them has
hung right over our Force like an old-fashioned light over a dining room
table.....They are strange things, these German flares; disturbing but completely
undisturbed. All the other lights are twitchy, nervous, explosive, darting.
But these flares have a fearsome serenity. The parachutes supporting them
do more than rest on the air....They just hang there like fixtures. They
appear to be eternal. 0445 July 10, 1943
This next excerpt was authored by novelist Jack Belden who rode into Gela
with the DIME force. He was aboard the transport Barnett as July 10, 1943
began. This is taken from his observations entitled, "Shoot Out That Goddamn
Light." He went into the beach in an LCVP.
There was an immediate sense of gladness (from successfully going down a
rope ladder in darkness and getting into a pitching boat) at getting started
and a heightened awareness. When we got away from the shelter of the fleet,
this feeling, however soon gave way to another. We became sick.....The rocking
of the small landing craft was totally unlike anything we had experienced
on the ship. It pitched rolled, swayed, bucked, jerked from side to side,
spanked up and down, undulated, careened and insanely danced on the throbbing,
pulsing, hissing sea. The sea itself flew at us, threw the bow in the air,
then, as it came down, swashed over us in great roaring bucketfuls of
water......The Ensign standing on the high stern of the boat ordered the
sailor by the bow to close the half open ramp....At that moment there was
a loud hissing sound...and a wave of water cascaded through the ramp....."Bail
with your helmets!" called the Ensign in a voice of extreme irritation...(there
followed what seemed an interminable time as the Ensign sought to find his
landing wave's form-up circle)...we broke out of the circle formation and
headed in a line toward a blue light, which shining to seaward, was bobbing
up and down some distance ahead......One by one they vomited, holding their
heads away from their loosely clasped rifles, and moaned softly.....Astern
our great fleet fled, diminishing, sinking beneath the waves......The boat
pounded on......Instead of feeling myself part of a group of American soldiers
going ashore on a carefully planned invasion, I saw myself and the men as
strange phantoms flung out across the maw of the sea , into the blackness
of eternity......Suddenly the light swung across the water, fastened on our
boat, and illuminated us like actors on a darkened stage..."Why don't they
shoot out that goddam searchlight?", growled a voice from the depths of the
cavernous boat..."Steady there!", said the voice of Captain Paul Carney.
Our engine gave a sudden full throated roar as the Ensign cut off the underwater
exhaust. The boat leapt forward. The other boats behind us raced around to
either side of us, and we sped forward like a charging football line....Ahead
- directly ahead - two strings of dotted red lights were crossing each other.
"Machine guns!" the sailor shouted. I heard a sharp cracking sound..... Then
I heard the engine break out in a terrible throbbing roar. At last there
was a jerk and a bump and the boat came to a halt. "Open ramp!" shouted the
ensign in the stern....The ramp jerked down farther until it was level with
the water....Still no one moved. "Get off!" Major Grant's voice was imperious.
No one moved. "Jump off!" he hollered again. "You want to get killed here?
Get on that beach!" With these words he leapt out into the darkness...."Here
it comes," I thought and jumped. The water struck me like a shock. I kept
going down. My feet sank down and I touched bottom. My chin was just at the
water. A sharp crackle burst the air nearby. The water was growing
shallower....Ahead of me....figures were crawling on hands and knees up the
slope...At last I was on dry land.
The Flare War
When I wrote the following observation some years after WW II, I had not
seen the searchlight comments of John Mason Brown or the flare comments of
Jack Belden. The next sequence actually occurred and lasted perhaps 30 seconds.
I am the secondary battery AA officer on the after deck house. We have been
under air attack for an hour. Under the heading, "Night Air Attack", I wrote:
The flares! Would they ever go out? The last one goes out. Relief. Then some
ship hears aircraft engine noises and starts firing tracer bullets at them.
All the flares go back on again. O God! Why do our ships fire on "noises?"
Woe is us. Trouble overhead. Mines in the water. Subs under the water. Go
fast enough to keep your rudder effective. No faster. Minimum wake to provide
the least aiming line for a bomb run. Fishtail, slowly. Wakes are phosphorescent
and pick up starlight, moonlight and emit light of their own. Torpedoes make
wakes. Be prepared to comb the wake of an enemy torpedo.
Observe tight AA discipline. Lo, a Dornier 217 comes down the port side,
between flare lines. He sees us. We see him. He drops a torpedo to intersect
our track. Lookouts jam the sound powered phones with torpedo wake reports.
The skipper turns 30 degrees starboard. The torpedo wake parallels our course.
The torpedo misses. I give our secondary battery permission to fire. The
enemy aircraft is now exiting toward our port bow. The best chance to hit
the 217 with machine guns is long gone. I am much too late giving permission
to fire. Did my conservatism lose an advantage for us? I hope those flares
go out.
The Armies Headed For Messina
With the beaches secure by 12 July, the Allied forces were primed for a breakout.
The British and Canadians to the east captured Augusta and Syracuse and headed
north toward Mt. Etna. Patton's Army, with three important forces ashore,
took three routes. One led west toward Marsala, another drove north into
the mountainous interior, and the third raced across the island to capture
the port of Palermo on 22 July. Our sea forces met them there and were
immediately attacked by more JU-88s.
In separate air attacks, destroyers Mayrant and Shubrick sustained heavy
damage which forced them into Palermo where they endured more air attacks.
Shubrick took a near fatal hit off shore in her after fire room, with a number
of men left dead or wounded, and the ship without power. Mayrant had her
forward engine room and after fire room completely flooded and ended up without
power. Mayrant survived her bomb hits with 14 inches of freeboard. She too
had men killed and wounded. Both ships were saved by a combination of US
minecraft and subchaser help, and covering AA fire from cruisers and destroyers.
For this period, Edison's Official War History contains the following summary:
Edison departed Bizerte for Sicily, where she arrived on 10 July. Air attacks
were heavy during the landings here but Edison escaped without a scratch.
She moved on to Realmonte, Sicily, on 12 July where she was assigned a fire
control station to bombard enemy shore defenses. She remained in this vicinity
until 19 July when she retired toward Algiers, Algeria, arriving on the 20th.
Edison got underway the same day for Bizerte, but returned to Algiers on
23 July. On 26 July she arrived at Mers-el-Kebir and returned to the shores
of Sicily on 31 July where she remained until 21 August. While there, an
air attack developed at 0410 on 1 August but it was repelled without damage
to the ships. Edison arrived back at Algiers on 22 August and patrolled along
the northern coast of Africa until 7 September. On 7 September, DD 439 steamed
from Bizerte enroute to the beaches of Italy for "Operation Avalanche". (This
was Salerno.)
German and Italian ground combat forces fought strictly rear guard actions
as soon as the beaches were lost. Allied forces moved aggressively to keep
them in engagement, not sure what their intentions were, whether to stand
and fight at another line in Sicily, or to get across the Strait as fast
as possible. With the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that, failing to
stop the Allies at the beaches of Sicily, the Nazi commanders had made the
successful retreat to Italy their prime objective. U.S. ground forces engaged
in successful "make it up as you go along" leap frog amphibious efforts to
insure that the Axis forces' retreat was as onerous as possible but there
was no advanced plan in place to deny them their escape across the Strait.
The "what next" question had not been asked, or answered.
When a DD's Ammo Was Expended
A destroyer in need of ammo moved into a category like a destroyer in need
of fuel. The ship had to start "economizing". In the fuel case, fueling at
sea was an alternative developed to a high skill level in the U.S. Navy.
In the ammo shortage, the only alternative was to go someplace where they
had some. The Robert Rowan at Gela burned and exploded throughout the night
after being bombed, revealing her cargo as an ammunition ship. Risking an
ammo ship in the attack transport area signified that her mission was to
provide re-supply ammunition to the troops which had landed. Such ships did
not carry naval warship ammunition.
Naval warships were resupplied from ammunition ships which all hoped were
more discreetly located. This replenishment was not attempted in actual forward
assault areas. Edison received ammo from the most motley collection of ships.
At Ajaccio in Corsica, we took on ammo from the most grimy United Kingdom
merchantman I had ever seen. Her crew were terrified at being this close
to the Italian front and worked like beavers to get the projectiles and powder
cartridges out of her hold. There was no cover of darkness. Time was of the
essence. We were due back on a firing station as soon as we replenished the
ammo. We did this at high noon under a blazing sun. Our men moved right over
onto the ammo ship, and worked side by side with their very limited crew.
I hope the Bureau of Naval Ordnance never reads this. The five inch projectiles
came packed two to a wooden box. To speed things up, we held the boxes over
our head and broke them by smashing them down on the deck of that freighter.
We stowed the projectiles in our magazines and tossed the wood over the
side-which is also where our brass powder cases went when we fired at the
enemy. There were three fuzes in those 5" projectiles and the designers required
a certain sequence to ensue before any fuze would go off. Thank heaven for
such precise design.
On the 2nd of August 1943, the USS Buck and the USS Nicholson were escorting
six vessels from Licata to Oran. At Oran, these destroyers could pick up
ammo, fuel and other needed supplies. Buck found the Italian sub Argento
on the surface off Pantelleria in the early evening. After challenging the
Argento, which immediately submerged, Buck pursued sound contacts for two
hours, dropping several patterns of depth charges when over the target. Argento
was finally forced to surface astern of Buck and fired a torpedo which missed
Buck. Buck's 5" gun battery inflicted heavy damage on Argento which managed
to fire a second torpedo, which also missed. Argento had been fatally hurt.
Sinking, the Argento crew abandoned ship. Buck's whaleboat saved all but
three of the 49 aboard, including Argento's skipper. A photograph in an earlier
chapter is directly related to that event.
Copyright 1997 Franklyn E. Dailey Jr.
- franklyn@daileyint.com
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